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Key takeaways
- If Trump is elected, we expect China tariffs to increase. We are skeptical that tariffs can offset the cost of tax cuts.
- We forecast 0.27% core PCE inflation in Sep. This isn't ideal for the Fed, but we still expect a 25bp cut in Nov.
- The Oct jobs report will be distorted by Hurricane Milton and the Boeing strike. We forecast +100k payrolls & a 4.2% u-rate.
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TCJA: Tax Cuts and Jobs Act
PCE: Personal Consumption Expenditures
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Weekly viewpoint: Spotlight on trade
 In a scenario where Trump is elected President, we think tariffs against China would likely increase. FX should mitigate the inflationary impact. We think Canada and Mexico would avoid tariffs. We are skeptical that tariffs could be used as a fiscal policy tool to offset the cost of extending the TCJA.  In a scenario where Harris is elected President, we think the administration would likely be status quo on trade policy, perhaps with some additional targeted measures against China.
Data preview: Strong September retail sales
We estimate that nominal personal income rose by 0.3% in September, with strong job and wage growth getting partially offset by the decline in hours worked. We forecast increases of 0.5% and 0.3% in nominal and real spending, respectively. The saving rate should tick down to 4.7%. Meanwhile, we expect core PCE inflation to come in at 0.27% m/m. Although the y/y rate should fall a tenth to 2.6%, this wouldn't be an ideal print for the Fed and would likely concern the hawks. But we look for softer figures in 4Q.
Data preview: Distorted employment
We forecast nonfarm payrolls rose by 100k in October. Although this is below consensus, we'd still view it as a solid print, since we estimate that Hurricane Milton and the Boeing strike lowered payrolls by about 50k. Note that Governor Waller pointed to a larger drag of ~100k in recent comments. The hurricane also likely lowered hours worked and, as a result, raised average hourly earnings growth. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate should move back up to 4.2%, partly due in part to hurricane distortions.
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 Spotlight on trade policy
- In a scenario where Trump is elected President, we think tariffs against China would likely increase. FX should mitigate the inflationary impact. We think Canada and Mexico would avoid tariffs.
- We are skeptical that tariffs can be used as a fiscal policy tool to offset the cost of extending the TCJA.
- In a scenario where Harris is elected President, we think the administration would likely be status quo on trade policy, perhaps with some additional targeted measures against China.
The calm before the storm
It was an unusually quiet week on the data front. We kept ourselves busy by writing a series of pieces on the post-election trade policy outlook. Here we summarize them.
China tariffs as a foreign policy tool
Candidate Trump has proposed 60% tariffs on all goods imports from China. Currently, the average tariff rate on Chinese goods is 19%. We think tariffs on China would likely increase if Trump were to win the election. For one, Trump has been a consistent advocate of using tariffs as a foreign policy tool, particularly against China. For another, Trump did raise tariffs on China significantly, as promised, when he was President.
The US imports around $430bn of goods from China per year. Therefore, a roughly 40 percentage point increase in tariffs against China would be worth around $170bn, or 0.9% of consumer spending. So the impact of 60% China tariffs on headline inflation would probably be no greater than 0.9pp.
FX, pass-through & substitution mitigate inflation shock
The actual effect should be smaller for five reasons. First, the renminbi is likely to absorb a lot of the tariff shock. During the 2018-19 trade war, USD/CNY appreciated by almost 13% from peak to trough. Second, retailers might absorb some of the tariffs in margins. Third, a lot of US imports from China are intermediate or capital goods, rather than consumer goods. This should further reduce the pass-through to consumers.
Fourth, if retailers try to pass tariffs through to consumers, the impact on prices will be one-for-one only if consumers can't substitute away to a non-Chinese product (i.e., demand is "inelastic"). Last, and related, importers will probably also re-jigger their supply chains to reduce their dependence on China. Bottom line: 60% tariffs against China would likely be inflationary, but not as much as the "simple math" would suggest.
Mexico: the concern is again China
Trump has also proposed 10% tariffs on all other countries, including Mexico and Canada. Based on our conversations with policy experts, the threat to impose tariffs in the USMCA region appears to be related, once more, to China. They seem to be concerned that China is i) manufacturing products in Mexico and then shipping them to the US, tariff-free, and ii) allegedly shipping products that are made in China via Mexico to the US, and labeling them as "Made in Mexico".
The latter would violate the rules of the USMCA, which is up for review in 2026. If Trump is elected, there is a risk that the US might ask for better trade terms or higher domestic content requirements and raise the above China issue. In this scenario, investors should expect volatility in Mexican and Canadian asset markets, including FX, around the negotiations. The US government's relations with the new Mexican government, and potentially a new Canadian government, could be an important factor.
Tariffs within North America appear unlikely
Despite some potential noise, we see three reasons why tariffs are unlikely to be imposed in the USMCA region, First, tariffs would be hard to implement because of the intricacy of North American supply chains. Second, Mexico and Canada's dependency on the US makes them more likely to agree to the US's terms in the USMCA review (Exhibit 2). Third, the USMCA was Trump's deal: in our view, that makes it less likely that he would undermine it by imposing tariffs in the region.
Tariffs as a fiscal policy tool: does the math work?
Taken at face value, Trump's proposed goods tariffs (60% on China and 10% on all other countries) would increase annual customs revenue by about $450bn, of which more than a third would come from China. Some analysts have argued that this could offset the cost of extending the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA). But the issue is that, as discussed above, importers and consumers would likely substitute toward products made in lower-tariff jurisdictions, or in the US. The ongoing decline in imports from China would likely accelerate (Exhibit 3). As a result, tariff revenues should erode over time, even if they start at levels that could offset the cost of TCJA extension.
The tariff revenue base would also shrink substantially if Mexico and Canada avoid tariffs, since they account for 30% of US imports (Exhibit 1). Even if they don't, note that the import figures for Mexico and Canada include multiple counts of goods that go back-and-forth across the border during production. This limits the tariff revenue that can be raised from these countries, assuming that products are only tariffed once.
Inflation up, policy rates up, interest expenses up
Another argument that some analysts have made in favor of a tariffs-and-tax-cuts policy mix is that the stimulus from tax cuts would offset any economic drag from the tariffs. That is potentially true in terms of economic activity. But when it comes to prices, both the demand stimulus from tax cuts and increased tariffs would likely be inflationary, pushing the Fed into a more hawkish stance. In turn, Treasury yields and the Treasury's interest expenses would also rise, adding to the deficit. So in summary, while there might be other reasons to impose tariffs, we don't think they should be viewed as a stable source of revenue for the Federal government, or as an offset for tax cuts.
Harris would be status quo on trade
Meanwhile, if Harris is elected President, we would expect mostly status quo trade policies. There could be more targeted measures against China, but we think there will be little-to-no additional tariffs against the rest of the world. The 2026 USMCA review would also probably be uneventful. However, we wouldn't look for a big reversal in the US's shift towards protectionist trade policies either: specifically, the tariffs that are already in place would likely not be removed, in our view.
US GDP Tracking
Advance 3Q GDP expected to print at 3.0% q/q saar
Our 3Q GDP tracking estimate was unchanged this week. We expect the advance 3Q GDP estimate to print at 3.0% q/q saar, unchanged from 2Q. We incorporated September existing and new home sales in our tracking estimate this week, but they were not enough to shift our expectations for residential investment of GDP overall.
Underlying demand in the US economy continues to impress as we expect final sales to grow by 3.2% q/q saar, up from 2.9% in 2Q. We expect this acceleration in underlying demand to largely be driven by household consumption, which we estimate rose by 3.4%. Healthy job growth, positive real wages and wealth effects continue to contribute to strong consumption despite low sentiment.
The bottom line is that the GDP report will continue to show little slowdown in the US economy.
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 Data in the past week
Data in the week ahead
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Federal Reserve Speakers
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 Weekly spending update
See the report, BofA on USA: Weekly spending update through Oct 19 for methodology, limitations, and disclaimers related to BAC card data.
Core views
Growth: A bumpier landing
- In response to softer-than-expected labor data, we have revised down job and GDP growth for 2025. We now expect 1.6% 4Q/4Q growth next year. Our downward revisions are mostly reflected in spending and fixed investment. They partly validate a more dovish Fed. Risks to our revised outlook appear balanced. The election looms large over our forecasts for 2025 and beyond (see US Economic Viewpoint: A bumpier landing).
Inflation: Stuck above target
- We have also made small revisions to our inflation forecasts to match the new growth trajectory. Softer demand should weigh on inflation next year. But we are still likely to stay a little above target. And then for 2026, the dovish Fed reaction function raises the risk that we get stuck a few tenths above target, instead of continuing to drift back down to target as in our earlier forecast. Therefore, we now see core PCE inflation ending 2026 at 2.3% q4/q4.
Labor market: Softer, but not collapsing
- Why are we now more concerned about the labor market in the near term? In a nutshell, the household and establishment surveys, which comprise the monthly jobs report, are both raising red flags. For one, the unemployment rate has risen significantly since early 2023, triggering the "Sahm-rule" recession indicator. For another, job growth has been narrowly based, slowing and downwardly revised. In our view, there are valid reasons to not be overly concerned about these issues but the totality of the data does warrant greater caution.
Monetary policy: A gradual cutting cycle
- After cutting rates by 50bp in September, we expect the Fed to cut by 25bp at each of its next four meetings. At that point, the fed funds rate will be near the upper bound of where Fed participants judge neutral rates to be in the longer run. Therefore, we expect the Fed to slow the pace of cuts to 25bp per quarter beginning in 2Q 2025 and continuing through year-end. In total, we expect the Fed to cut rates by 225bp to a terminal of 3.0-3.25% by yearend 2025 (see Federal Reserve Watch: No need for another 50).
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Economic forecast summary
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Rolling calendar of business indicators
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CPI and PCE Forecast tabl   es
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Federal Reserve Balance Sheet
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Research AnalystsAditya Bhave US Economist BofAS Â Stephen Juneau US Economist BofAS Â Shruti Mishra US Economist BofAS Â Jeseo Park US Economist BofAS Â |